Speeches and Transcripts

New Facets to the ROK-U.S. Alliance

Alexander Vershbow-
U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Korea

Conference on
Peace on the Korean Peninsula & the Security Environment in Northeast Asia
Commemorating the 10th Anniversary of the
University of North Korean Studies at Kyungnam University
Seoul - May 1, 2008

President Park Jae kyu, Dr. Samuel Wells, distinguished scholars and fellow diplomats, it is my pleasure to address you today as we gather to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the University of North Korean studies.  I offer my congratulations to President Park and the University for their success in establishing this highly respected academic institution focusing on North Korea.  I also offer my congratulations to the University for partnering with such a distinguished institution as the Woodrow Wilson Center.  It is an honor to be a part of the program today and to offer my perspectives on the U.S.-ROK relationship and our role here in South Korea and the Northeast Asia region.

It is a rather significant day to commemorate the study of North Korea.  This week Americans are observing North Korea Freedom Week.  Today, May 1, marks the anniversary of the creation of the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea back in 1948.  But North Koreans do not claim exclusive rights to May 1 as the start of their government.  Fidel Castro, then the Prime Minister of Cuba, abolished elections on this day in 1961 and proclaimed Cuba a socialist nation.  Sadly, North Korea and Cuba remain closed societies, resisting the worldwide trend of the past two decades toward more open and more democratic societies.  While there may be some glimmers of hope for change in Cuba, North Korea remains one of the most brutally repressive regimes in the world, denying its people the most basic human rights, including the right to elect their own leaders.  So, even as we celebrate ten years of good work by the University of North Korean Studies’ scholars in promoting better understanding of developments to the North, this is definitely not a day on which we can say “happy anniversary” to the DPRK.

The idea of democratic elections is a very relevant topic for all of us here today.  In the past few months, there have been important elections in several parts of Northeast Asia, giving the people an opportunity to shape how their governments can change their policies and relations with their neighboring countries.   

In Taiwan, president-elect Ma Ying-jeou has yet to officially take office but he has already stated that relations between China and Taiwan are “thawing.”  Ma’s comments came following a meeting between his Vice President, Vincent Siew, and Chinese President Hu Jintao on April 12.  The meeting between these two officials represented the highest level contact between the two sides since they split in 1949 at the end of the civil war.  Ma, who won the March presidential election in a landslide, campaigned on a pledge to boost Taiwan’s sluggish economy. As part of that pledge, he vowed to improve relations with China, increase trade, tourism and transport links, and work on a peace treaty to end hostilities. 

President Lee Myung-bak also won in a landslide in the December election after promising the Korean people that he would apply his business skills to help revitalize the Korean economy and create new jobs for Korea’s skilled workforce.  He also campaigned on a platform pledging to strengthen the U.S.-Korea Alliance as well as Korea’s relations with its principal neighbors.  Less than two months after taking office, President Lee traveled to the United States to hold his first summit as President, where he and President Bush discussed several new facets to our relationship.

ROK-U.S. Summit

The United States was honored to host President Lee’s first official overseas visit. 
I believe this was an indication of the great importance both sides attach to our Alliance and the strong political, economic and personal links that our two countries enjoy.

The summit was held at Camp David, a quiet retreat located in rural Maryland, so that the two leaders could get to know each other and have serious but friendly discussions.  I participated in several of their meetings and can assure you that the summit was a huge success.  The two leaders made a personal connection, found that they are guided by many of the same principles and values, and were able to reach some key agreements while also laying the foundation for a second summit in July, when President Bush has been invited to come to Korea. 

It was clear from the minute they met that there was a sense of trust between the two leaders.  President Bush offered up the driver’s seat in the golf cart used to travel from the helicopter landing area as a sign that he trusted President Lee to steer the two in the right direction.  This positive start to the summit was also reflected in the discussions of the issues that followed, starting with the future of our Alliance. 

Upgrading the Alliance

What was originally a military alliance has bloomed into a robust and multi-faceted partnership.  Likewise, the security challenges we face are also now multi-faceted: global terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and threats to human rights and democracy here in the region and around the world.  At that start of his U.S. trip, President Lee spoke at the Korea Society in New York.  He said: “After a half century of military alliance, the two countries are ready to go beyond and develop our relationship into a comprehensive partnership on the basis of shared interests and common values.  The new partnership should aim to deepen and widen cooperation on a wide range of issues, including global issues.”  This notion of a broader, more global vision for the Alliance is very much consistent with our own thinking – and we certainly welcomed President Lee’s emphasis on pragmatism over ideology.

Over the next few months we be will working closely with the Lee Administration to further clarify and refine the goals and guiding principles of what we’re calling a “21st Century Strategic Alliance.”  But we can already say that the way forward will be based on shared values and interests; it will reflect a mutual desire to identify ways that the Alliance can address challenges not only in Northeast Asia, but around the world.

Korea and the U.S. are already working together in Afghanistan and Iraq to promote democracy, fight terrorism and prevent the proliferation of dangerous weapons.  Korea also sent troops to Lebanon to help stabilize the situation there. We greatly appreciate our ally’s support in these critical missions.  In addition to these regional conflicts, we look forward to combating other challenges that are more global in nature, such as countering climate change and searching for renewable energy technologies, preventing the spread of infectious diseases, or fighting poverty and promoting sustainable development.  These are all facets of what President Lee has in mind when he speaks of “Global Korea,” and they are potential areas for joint action as part of our 21st Century Strategic Alliance.

The United States and Korea have already been taking steps to modernize our military alliance, transforming it into a more balanced and effective partnership capable of keeping the peace on and off the Peninsula.  For example, our agreement to transfer wartime operational control, or OPCON, is a major step forward in our relationship and our recognition of the maturity and competence of the South Korean military. 

During the recent summit, our two presidents reached an agreement to maintain the current levels of U.S. troops here in Korea at 28,500 rather than continue with the planned reduction to 25,000 troops.  They decided that the current troop level is appropriate given the current security conditions on the Korean Peninsula and in the region, and also in light of the delay in relocating our forces to Pyeongtaek (originally planned for this year) until 2012.  This decision also demonstrates that, even with the upcoming changes in command structure and force realignment, the U.S. commitment to Korea’s security remains undiminished.

In a Korea Times article earlier this week, Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan said that “the future of the Alliance depends on how quickly and creatively it can respond to various new challenges.”  At Camp David, our two presidents set the direction for an Alliance fit for the 21st century, and I expect they will articulate a more comprehensive vision for the Alliance when they meet again in July.

Six-Party Talks:  Moving to Phase 3

At Camp David, President Bush and President Lee, not surprisingly, spent a lot of time discussing North Korea.  They agreed to continue to work closely with the other members of the Six-Party Talks to bring about a denuclearized North Korea through diplomatic and peaceful means. 

As you know, we made considerable progress in 2007.  In Phase 1 of the denuclearization process envisaged by September 2005 Joint Statement and by last year’s February 13 and October 3 agreements, North Korea shut down the Yongbyon facility – the main source of its plutonium production – under IAEA supervision.  Shortly after Yongbyon was shut down, we commenced Phase 2, the ongoing work to disable the facility to ensure that plutonium production cannot resume in a timely fashion.  The disablement process has progressed smoothly and with the cooperation of North Korea.  In return for these steps, the United States and its partners have been providing heavy fuel oil and other energy supplies to North Korea, consistent with the “action for action” principle.

We are now focusing our efforts to secure the other North Korean Phase-2 commitment, a complete and correct declaration of its nuclear materials and programs – which is four months overdue.  On April 17, Secretary Rice spelled out the U.S. expectations for Phase 2: “The outcome we and our partners require is a full account from North Korea of all its nuclear programs, including any uranium and nuclear proliferation activities.”

There has been increased attention in the past week to North Korea’s proliferation activities.  The U.S. has made public our information showing North Korea’s involvement in helping Syria to construct a plutonium reactor similar to Yongbyon, and we expect North Korea to address those concerns.  Attention is now shifting to identifying the means to verify the declaration that North Korea will provide, and its commitment to desist from any further proliferation of nuclear weapons materials, technology and know-how.  This is the beginning of a very complex process that will require far more transparency than North Korea is accustomed to provide.

In conjunction with the disablement of Yongbyon and North Korea’s provision of a complete and correct declaration, the U.S. has promised to remove the DPRK from its list of State Sponsors of Terrorism and terminate the application of the Trading with the Enemy Act with respect to the DPRK.  We will meet our commitments provided the North Koreans also meet theirs.

So, as soon as we get past these steps, the next step is to begin discussions on the third and final phase of the denuclearization process, where the value and strength of the Six-Party structure will face its greatest test.  In Phase 3, North Korea will be faced with answering the ultimate question of whether or not it is willing to give up its nuclear weapons and its fissile material, and irreversibly abandon its nuclear programs.  Despite the delay in completing Phase 2, these are still our goals during the remainder of 2008.

Let me add that President Bush remains committed to the Six-Party process and won’t let North Korea reduce this to a bilateral issue.  All five parties will collectively decide whether North Korea has fulfilled its obligation to provide a complete and correct declaration, and whether it is living up to its other commitments.  Just as the Six-Party framework was invaluable when North Korea conducted its nuclear test in October 2006, it will again be essential in moving the process from Phase 2 to Phase 3. 

It’s important to remember what North Korea would gain by following through on its commitment to full denuclearization.  A strategic decision to denuclearize would open the way to an alternative future for North Korea and the entire region.  The additional energy, economic and humanitarian assistance that the DPRK stands to receive would help it transform its economy and deliver better lives to its people.  Denuclearization would also make it possible for the United States and North Korea to fully normalize relations – to open Embassies in each other’s capitals, and to develop trade and exchanges to our mutual benefit.  And denuclearization would create the foundation for the creation of a long-term framework for peace and security cooperation in Northeast Asia.

President Bush has made clear that, in the context of full denuclearization, the United States is prepared to replace the Korean War Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace agreement that would officially end the Korean War and lay the basis for long-term peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.  Discussions of such a peace regime could begin relatively soon, as soon as North Korea has provided a complete declaration and has shown that it is on the road to full denuclearization.  Our position is that implementing a peace regime and achieving full diplomatic normalization, however, can only take place when there is full denuclearization.

We welcome President Lee Myung-bak’s emphasis on denuclearization as the prerequisite for substantial economic assistance and development cooperation with North Korea.  His emphasis on reciprocity is very much in keeping with the “action for action” principle, and shows an appreciation of the need to coordinate progress in the Six-Party Talks and inter-Korean relations.  President Lee has made a bold offer – to raise North Korea’s per capita income to $3000 per year, provided that it denuclearizes.  That is a clear message that underscores the potential benefits to North Korea of fulfilling its commitment to get rid of all its nuclear weapons and programs. 

Sadly, the DPRK’s reaction to President Lee and his policies has been harsh rhetoric, personal insults, and some unfriendly actions, such as expelling South Korean officials from the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mt. Kumgang resort.  At Camp David, President Bush praised the ROK’s calm reaction and President Lee’s efforts to maintain the high ground.  It may take time for North Korea to adjust to the change in government in Seoul.  For the sake of the North Korean people, let us hope it doesn’t take too long.

In this regard, I should note that both the United States and South Korea are worried about the dire food situation in the DPRK.  We are prepared to provide humanitarian aid, as long as we know that the people in need are actually getting the food.  We will continue to discuss this issue with North Korea and hope that we can come to an agreement on a sufficient number of monitors of the distribution of food aid, which is required by U.S. law governing food aid to any country, not just North Korea.

It is my continued hope that the DPRK will make the decision to denuclearize, a decision that will not only benefit the North Korean people but everyone in Northeast Asia.  The mood is changing in this region and I hope that North Korea will be a part of this positive change, rather than the odd man out.

Visa Waiver Program: A Big Step Closer

I noted earlier that the U.S.-Korea Alliance started as an exclusively military relationship, but has now become a comprehensive partnership.  As we look to develop new facets of our relations, the Korean and American people will have a large role to play – perhaps larger than that of governments.  A notable achievement during President Lee’s visit to Washington was the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on Korea’s accession to the Visa Waiver Program.  We have worked very hard to make VWP a reality for Korean citizens and no one was more excited to see us reach this milestone than me.  I have always believed in people-to-people exchanges as the best way to bring two countries closer together.  President Bush pledged at Camp David that Koreans will be able to travel visa-free for short stays in the United States by the end of this year, and hopefully sooner.  There is still considerable work to be done – on both sides – but I’m confident that we can meet this goal.

We are also looking at other ways to expand exchanges and contacts between young Koreans and Americans.  Korean students (who, I’m afraid, will continue to need visas to study in the U.S.) already represent the largest population of foreign students in America.  But we continue to have a shortage of American students here in Korea.  In recognition of this imbalance, the Department of State recently announced a grant designed to bring a total of approximately 550 American high school students to Korea and other countries to learn languages and immerse themselves in another culture.  The grant will support short periods of study of a few days or weeks as well as longer periods of up to a full academic year.  I am confident that the students who come to Korea through this and other programs will gain a greater appreciation and understanding of the culture that is often the impetus for a longer-term commitment to study and work here in Korea.

Beef and FTA

It goes without saying that a significant development in the upgrading of our relationship is the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.  President Bush and President Lee had a very good discussion about the KORUS FTA, and how important it is for both our countries, when they met at Camp David.  President Lee explained how he hopes to get the National Assembly to vote to ratify the FTA during the ad hoc session of the current National Assembly; that process has already begun.  President Bush told President Lee that ratification of the KORUS FTA is one of his highest priorities, and that the entire Administration – not just the White House and USTR, but also the State Department, Treasury, Commerce and Agriculture Departments – will be working tirelessly to get Congress to enact the FTA this year.

We always understood that obtaining the necessary votes to ratify a huge trade agreement like this would not be easy, in either country.  And that’s especially so in a Presidential election year in the United States.  But I’m optimistic that now that the debate on KORUS is getting started, we will be able to explain why this FTA is vital for the United States – just as it is for Korea – and obtain the necessary votes to ratify the agreement.

One reason I’m optimistic is because of President Lee’s very successful visit to the United States.  I think his meetings– with the Administration, with Congress, with the media, and with the business community – reminded all of Washington (and people beyond the Beltway) why the U.S.-Korea alliance is so important, and how the FTA is part of a much bigger and broader partnership between our two countries.  Moreover, his determination to create an investor-friendly environment in Korea and a level playing field for foreign companies came through loud and clear.

Another reason I’m optimistic is because of the tremendous support the KORUS FTA enjoys from the U.S. business community – and that’s across the board, in agriculture, manufacturing and services.  Over 500 U.S. companies and organizations have joined the “FTA Business Coalition” in the United States to advocate for the KORUS FTA’s ratification – that’s the biggest business coalition for any FTA we’ve signed.

The U.S. business community has begun making clear to the Congress (just like the Administration) that getting the KORUS FTA ratified is one of their highest priorities for 2008.  Right after President Lee’s visit, and his very successful meetings with U.S. business leaders, both in New York and in Washington, we’ve seen a huge increase in business advocacy for the KORUS FTA – press conferences, public statements and other outreach to Congress.  I think that will help ensure a more informed debate on Capitol Hill about just what the KORUS FTA means for the American economy.

Finally, Korea’s decision to implement President Roh’s pledge of a year ago – to reopen the Korean beef market and respect international scientific standards – will certainly help us get the FTA ratified.  President Lee has explained that he reopened the beef market to help the Korean consumer, and that bringing Korea’s beef regulations in line with international science was the right thing to do regardless of the FTA.  I fully agree with him.  But it is also true that one of the positive side effects of this recent decision on beef is that it will make it much easier to build Congressional support for the KORUS FTA.

So when you bring all these factors together, I feel optimistic about our chances to get the FTA ratified this year.  Again, no one ever said it would be easy, but we have defied the skeptics’ pessimism at every step of the way on this agreement, and I think we will do so with ratification as well.  That’s because the economic and strategic rationale for this agreement is very compelling, and at every stage in the process – the launch, the negotiation, the signing – when we’ve been able to take the time to explain the details to people, we’ve won the necessary support to move forward.  I’m confident that same logic will help us win the ratification debate, in both countries.

Conclusion

The U.S.-ROK relationship is among the most successful in modern history – and also one of the most resilient.  For more than five decades, our Alliance has been able to change with the times, and adapt to new challenges and new opportunities.  It is now based not only on a wide range of common interests in the age of globalization, but on the shared values of freedom and democracy – and a shared commitment to defend them.  With the Camp David Summit, we are now embarked on a joint effort to add new facets to our relationship in order to transform it into a 21st Century Strategic Alliance.  Having worked on this relationship for nearly three years as Ambassador, I’m confident that we will succeed.